Foreigners的問題，透過圖書和論文來找解法和答案更準確安心。 我們找到下列評價和費用資格等資訊懶人包

End Game: Does Israel Have a Plan?

為了解決Foreigners的問題，作者Sachs, Natan 這樣論述：

How Israelis envision and plan for the future of their countryDoes Israel have a plan? What does the country want to look like in 10 or 20 years? What borders does it hope to have? Will the West Bank or the Gaza Strip be part of it? Will the Palestinians residing the territories be granted citizensh

ip and become Israeli citizens? Does the country as a whole even know what it wants, what its goals are, or how to achieve them?Israel faces a fundamental question, a "trilemma." It can choose only two of three different goals many Israelis hold dear: to maintain control over the West Bank, with its

strategic and religious significance to Israel; to retain a clear Jewish majority, the goal of the Zionist movement that founded the state; or to remain a democracy, with full voting rights for all citizens.This trilemma has caused world leaders and publics, Israel-supporters and critics, to wonder

aloud time and again: what does Israel want? If it wishes to maintain its Jewish and democratic character, surely it must separate from the West Bank and its population; why then does Israel keep building in Israeli settlements in the West Bank, making such separation all the more difficult? And if

it plans to retain control over the West Bank, is it really willing to give up on either its Jewish nature or its democracy?End Game attempts to solve the puzzle of why the Israeli strategic vision seems so elusive to many foreigners and Israelis alike. It explores how Israelis' beliefs about their

future are formed and how their visions are translated into policy, focusing on three factors in depth: the role of security concerns, ideology, and domestic political constraints that combine to shape Israel's strategic posture.The book contrasts the full range of views in Israel over the future o

f the West Bank, from supporters of a bi-national state or confederacy on the left, to supporters of a "one state" on the far right of the political spectrum. It pays particular attention to the worldview of the political center-right, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a conservative, risk-a

verse and "anti-solutionist" approach to the problem. This worldview, following decades of precedent, rejects the need for a full-fledged strategic "solution" to the problem, leading to widespread confusion over Israel's goals. The book analyses and critiques this approach, arguing forcefully for en

ding Israeli indecision over the future of the land and in favor of partition and, eventually, peace. Dr. Natan Sachs is a fellow in the Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. His research focuses on Israel’s foreign policy, its domestic politics, and on U.S.-Israeli relations

. Before joining Brookings, Sachs was a Hewlett Fellow at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, a Fulbright Fellow in Indonesia, and a Visiting Fellow at Tel Aviv University’s Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies.

Foreigners進入發燒排行的影片

戰後初期海派方型周報中的情感表達(1945-1947)

為了解決Foreigners的問題，作者邱旭玲 這樣論述：

二戰結束後的最初幾年，上海誕生了一類大衆通俗流行刊物——海派方型周報。在戰後社會氛圍低沉、報業環境惡化、經濟蕭條的情況下，為求得自身生存，它努力探索自我風格，形成了兼具大報關注民生和小報縱情肆意的特點，以及私人性、平民性、自由性和情感性的話語特色。它憑藉著「為民服務」的自我定位和通俗化的情感性表達贏得大眾共鳴，將自身打造為一個情感性的平民公共領域。在海派方型周報眾多的書寫文本中，有三類社會性情感議題受到較多關注：對自我身份認同的迷茫感、對外族排斥又迷戀的矛盾感以及對漢奸群體高度一致的憤怒感。分別從自身、他者、群體三個視角展現了戰後上海市民的情感認知和價值觀念。這些情感表達的背後具有共同話語的

基礎，即敘述內容都與市民日常生活密切相關，大眾的情感和日常經驗通過這三個議題皆可有所反映。總體說來，海派方型週報中的情感表達具有以下特性：立場主導，態度鮮明；用詞豐富，情感充沛；形式多樣，敘述為主。面對時代共同的議題，方型周報用情感性的方式展露了它獨特的表達。方形周報中的情感表達實質上是市民對外展露自我經歷和感受的文本，可以從文本的形塑過程和社會意涵兩方面認識這些情感表達。要探析方型週報中情感表達文本的生成和形塑過程，必須要考慮在其中進行情感表達的群體，即作者群和讀者群。作爲方形周報的推動者，三四十年代的小報文人基於自身志趣和關懷，利用豐富的報業經驗、寫稿能力和關係網絡，打造出方形周報這一平臺

，引領並吸引著讀者大衆的參與，逐漸共同搭建出一個具有明確主體和獨特情感風格的情感共同體，生產出各類情感表達文本。同時，這些情感文本提供了一種在宏大敘事外的記述歷史的方式：私人敘事的視角、個體表達的形式和公共領域的呈現。這種方式從私人角度和個體體驗認識、理解與闡釋社會風貌，正反映了市民文化對於社會權威和主流話語的對抗和解構。

Panics Without Borders: How Global Sporting Events Drive Myths about Sex Trafficking

為了解決Foreigners的問題，作者Mitchell, Gregory 這樣論述：

We are living in a time of great panic about ＂sex trafficking＂--an idea whose meaning has been expanded beyond any real usefulness by evangelicals, conspiracy theorists, anti-prostitution feminists, and politicians with their own agendas. This is especially visible during events like the FIFA Wor

ld Cup and the Olympic Games, when claims circulate that as many as 40,000 women and girls will be sex trafficked. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in Brazil as well as interviews with sex workers, policymakers, missionaries, and activists in Russia, Qatar, Japan, the UK, and South Africa, Gregory Mit

chell shows that despite baseless statistical claims to the contrary, sex trafficking never increases as a result of these global mega-events--but police violence against sex workers always does. While advocates have long decried this myth, Mitchell follows the discourse across host countries to as

k why this panic so easily embeds during these mega-events. What fears animate it? Who profits? He charts the move of sex trafficking into the realm of the spectacular--street protests, awareness-raising campaigns, telenovelas, social media, and celebrity spokespeople--where it then spreads across b

orders. This trend is dangerous because these events happen in moments of nationalist fervor during which fears of foreigners and migrants are heightened and easily exploited to frightening ends.

甚麽是親中？中國－馬來西亞關係近況發展的6M分析（2013年－2018年）

為了解決Foreigners的問題，作者黃以樂 這樣論述：

2013年至2018年之間，中國與馬來西亞之關係可謂是達到了新高點。在此期間，中馬兩國在許多面向展開合作關係，包括軍事、經貿、教育及文化等等。雙方的合作關係甚至成為了馬來西亞2018年全國選舉的重點議題之一，當時執政者以首相納吉．拉薩（Najib Razak）為首，其發起或支持的許多中馬合作工程案備受質疑，被批評是「親中」的表現。其中一個大力批評納吉親中的群體為希望聯盟（Pakatan Harapan），而他們於2018年全國選舉中的勝利無意間也被刻畫成「反中派」的勝利。整起事件的過程中，「親中」的使用似乎是貶義用途。2019年「反對逃犯條例修訂草案運動」開始時，馬來西亞普遍華裔也高度關注此

事，而「親中」與「反中」逐漸成為了嘲諷意味極重的政治標籤。馬來西亞在2013年至2018年之間與中國的互動關係似乎也被貼上了一樣的標籤。甚麼是親中？本研究認為目前「親中」作為形容詞的用法帶有犧牲自主權，並妥協自身立場的含意。中馬關係中是否真的有如此現象？現今有關兩國互動關係的理論架構，主要以「遠近」為衡量單位，或是以國對國之反應來判斷其關係之本質，如：新現實主義中的「抗衡」（Balancing）、「扈從」（Bandwagoning）或「避險」（Hedging）。然而，由此角度並未能充分解釋「親中」，因為這些理論主要以國家行為者（state as actor）為衡量基準，缺乏了深入到社會層級互動

之考量。國家行為者制定決策的考量主要以可衡量之客觀元素，如：國家之硬實力（Hard power），但「親中」的表現似乎有意忽略此元素，以「偏好」（preference）作為制定決策之基本考量，社會行動者（societal actor）也因此是探討「親中」之定義重要的研究對象。本研究嘗試以Andrew Moravscik所提出的自由主義理論架構，結合Chia-Chien Chang及Alan H. Yang所提出的6M分析法，對中馬在2013年至2018年之間的互動過程進行分析，並以此探討「親中」之定義。馬國社會中第二大族群就是具有「中華情結」之華裔群體，馬國的「親中」表現極有可能由此開始。但本

研究發現馬國「親中」的表現除了源自於華裔社會行動者，也可能從處在執政層級之巫裔社會行動者。本研究以6M分析法歸納出2013年至2018年之間重要的「親中」事件，並總結出兩大「親中化」過程，即「由上至下」（國家行為者至社會行動者）以及「由下至上」（社會行動者至國家行為者）。